Breaking the Chains of Liberal Progressive Lies
In colonial America, white “servants could be bartered for a profit, sold to the highest bidder for the unpaid debts of their masters, and otherwise transferred like movable goods or chattels. In every civic, social and legal attribute, these victims of the displacements of the 16th and 17th centuries were set apart. Despised by every other order, these men and their children, and their children’s children seemed mired in a hard, degraded life. The condition of the first blacks in the continental English colonies must be viewed within the perspective of these conceptions and realities of (White) servitude… (“Origins of the Southern Labor System,” William and Mary Quarterly, April, 1950, p. 202).
The history of enslavement in America, as portrayed, in the false narrative of the liberal progressive corporate media has focused exclusively on the enslavement of blacks. The impression is given that only whites bear responsibility for enslaving blacks and only blacks were slaves. Blacks in Africa as well as American Indian tribes, such as the Cherokee engaged in extensive enslavement of blacks. The Cherokee Indians owned large plantations on which they worked their black slaves in gangs (R. Halliburton, Jr., Red over Black: Black Slavery among the Cherokee Indians, p. 20).
White slaves were actually owned by blacks and Indians in the South to such an extent that the Virginia Assembly passed the following law in 1670: “It is enacted that no black or Indian though baptized and enjoyned their own freedom shall be capable of any such purchase of Christians…” (Statutes of the Virginia Assembly, Vol. 2, pp. 280-81).
Blacks also owned other blacks in America (Charleston County Probate Court Records, 1754-1758, p. 406).
While whites languished in chains, blacks were free men in Virginia throughout the 17th century (Willie Lee Rose, A Documentary History of Slavery in North America, p. 15; John Henderson Russell, Free Black in Virginia, 1619-1865, p.23; Bruce Levine, et al., Who Built America?, vol. I, p. 52).
In 1717, it was proposed that a qualification for election to the South Carolina Assembly was to be “the ownership of one white man.” (Journals of the Commons House of Assembly of the Province of South Carolina: 1692-1775, volume 5, pp. 294-295).
Blacks voted in the Carolina counties of Berkeley and Craven in 1706 “and their votes were taken.” (Levine, p. 63).
Blacks were carrying guns or other weapons and going about armed in the service of wealthy landowners at the same time that tens of thousands of enslaved white men were forbidden arms. In 1678 one thousand blacks were armed by the planters and formed into a fighting militia for protection against the French (Carl and Roberta Bridenbaugh, No Peace Beyond the Line: The English in the Caribbean, 1624-1690; pp. 359-360).
In Carolina in 1704, 1707, 1712, 1738 and 1741 bills were passed authorizing armed black militias in the service of the planters. In 1742 certificates were presented to the black militiamen for services rendered. (Warren B. Smith, White Servitude in Colonial South Carolina, p. 98).
During the American Revolution, Lord Dunmore, the Royal Governor of Virginia appointed by the King, sought to win Virginia back for the British Crown with black troops recruited in America, to be called the Ethiopian Regiment. Parties of Blacks in the South were armed by the British with guns, clubs and swords with the order to use them against rebellious American patriots. (Ronald Hoffman, “The Disaffected in the Revolutionary South,” The American Revolution: Explorations in the History of American Radicalism, pp. 281-282).
“By the first of December (1775) nearly three hundred blacks in uniform, with the words ‘Liberty to Slaves’ inscribed across their breasts, were members of Lord Dunmore’s Ethiopian Regiment. On the ninth of December at the Battle of Great Bridge— the Lexington of the South—the British force of six hundred, nearly half black, was thrown back by Woodford’s (all-White, American) Second Virginia Regiment. “In April, 1782, General Nathanael Greene informed Washington that the British had armed and put into uniform at least seven hundred blacks. The Ethiopian Regiment was not the only black unit. That same spring two members of a black British cavalry troop, about a hundred strong, were killed in a skirmish (with patriots) at Dorchester, Virginia. Evacuating Boston, the royal army sailed to Halifax with a ‘Company of Blacks.’ It is possible that tens of thousands of (black) slaves in South Carolina and Georgia went over to the British. (Sidney Kaplan, The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution, 1770-1800, pp. 32, 61 and 67).
During the War of 1812, the British ranks included approximately three hundred armed American blacks, who were used in combat against American forces. Some of these blacks helped the British burn the White House in 1814 (Roediger, p. 44).
The British aristocracy’s penchant for arming blacks and Indians for combat against White Americans has largely been forgotten today, even though it was one of the factors which led the colonists to go to war against King George, and was cited as such in the Declaration of Independence. The patriots’ outrage at Indian atrocities and anger at Dunmore’s manumission of blacks, was summarized by Jefferson in one of the least quoted passages of the Declaration: “He (King George) has excited domestic insurrections amongst us (Dunmore’s proclamation freeing Blacks in American jurisdiction), and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.”